MYSTERIOUS SILENCE OVER DERA BUGTI, Archives 11.10.2005

MYSTERIOUS SILENCE OVER DERA BUGTI & CHANGING TONE OF BALOCHS HARBINGERS AN OTHER SHOWDOWN.

11.10.2005

http://www.balochunity.org/facts/788/ By:  Nizamuddin Nizamani, Black turban on the head of Bugti folks symbolizes the mourning for a lost one killed by some enemy.  Bugti and other tribal people believe in revenge and for them its code of honor. An old tribal saying states that "100 years is too short a time to wait for revenge". While driving 51 kilometer from Sui to Dera Bugti, one conspicuously note dozens of young and old men wearing black turbans on motorbikes and off road pickups.  Inside Dera Bugti, the small town stretched over about two squire kilometer the outsider note the Bugti youth wearing black turbans in groups toiling around with angry read eyes, with several questions, but maintain an strange and mysterious silence. One will note and feel that they are simmering deep inside and looking for the answers to many un-asked questions. A strange silence prevails over Dera Bugti that matches the calmness before developing into the thunder and heavy noisy cyclone. These groups with black turbans appear to be those who lost their family members on January 7, 2005 at Sui and March 17, 2005 in Dera Bugti by heavy fire of mortars and artillery recklessly fired from the Bambore scout fort built on the nearby mountains over looking the town. Regarding the dispute Nawab Bugti does not hope much of truth to come out of the government inquiry.  Bugti disclosed that he and his people were in "a semi-war like situation imposed on us by the center". The tension resulted heavy fight on March 17, 2005 at about 10 am at the PSO petrol pump located at 3 kilometer south of Dera Bugti town in which the Bugti body guards and Bhambhore scouts exchanged fire. This made the area stand still. According to Nawab Bugti and town residents, Bhambhore scouts fired mortars from the forts on the mountains overlooking Dera Bugti at about one kilometer at point blank range at the angle of 90 degrees from the original shooting site directly to Nawabs’ fort. ’That was not the cross fire, they directly hit me and my family, and fired about 600 mortars, killing 73 innocent people including women and children and injuring more than hundred".  They are again preparing for new attacks. Over there (pointing toward Bhambore scout fort on the mountain) they have dumped tones of ammunition, and 800 fresh military personals have arrived, which confirm our apprehensions that there will be another showdown". Initially we decided to built a memorial for those who were killed, but have postponed the program for, many more are yet to die, who ever among us survive will build the mausoleum". Responding to the question about any reconciliation with government "No, they asked us for compensation for those killed; we informed them that "our dead bodies are not for sale". Now they are monitoring us and we are monitoring them".  As regards government’s move to set up a military cantonment in the Sui area, Nawab Bugti believed that the people would resist such an ’occupation’ of their land. He said that like the people of Kashmir and Palestine, the Baloch people were seeking their legitimate rights. "Not a single Baloch is against the development" said leader of opposition in Balochistan Assembly Mr Kachkol Ali Advocate while talking on June 27, 2005, "however not a single Baloch will support the development of mega projects under present administrative structure. People know that all these so called projects are not for the native population but against them. He quoted the example of Sindhi and Balochs of Karachi. Meerani Dam and Gawadar appear to be the copy of Hub dam and Karachi, where the natives are living in a deplorable condition. The Advocate said the fate of people of Gwadar does not seem to be much different from that of the Sindhi and Balochs of Karachi. "We will resist them by every means including moral and logistic support to those who are resisting these projects by militancy. We do not know who they are, but they command vast support of Balochs". The Baloch intellectuals opine that government is not serious to address the un-employment issue "About 130 Baloch engineers were recruited for Gawader port jobs and trained at Karachi. But its surprising to note that now they are not allowed to join the jobs, They have peacefully agitated and presented their legitimate case on every forum but to no avail", said Dr Badal Khan Baloch,( PhD) Prof. at University of Naples, Italy "This issue is creating unrest in Balochs of Mekran and all over Balochistan but government seems to be oblivious of the issue and political cost. I wonder our strategist are either so naïve or so ignorant that even if they consider to politically address this issue and employ those trained engineers at the meager cost of few million rupees. If they pay an average salary of Rs.10, 000/- than total wages will be about 15 million a year only. They can defuse the tension easily but they appear to be either reckless or arrogant. They present rosy picture of Gawadar and invest millions on advertisement to attract investors but they outright reject the share of local people. I wonder these projects will be viable with such an ignorant strategy". Similar is the case of about 6000 Bugtis surrendered by PPL and Sui establishment who sit in protest since May 1, 2004 on gates no 1,3,4 and 5 of Sui installations and have closed these gates. They worked on different schemes for few years as temporary employees in different manual and technical jobs, and when they were supposed to be regularized have been declared surplus and no more required. "They have kicked us out from the job, and instead brought people from Punjab and Karachi" told the Qadir Bux Bugti a civil Engineer Diploma holder and representative of the people protesting on Gate no one at Sui purification Plant on September 11, 2005 "Many local engineers, diploma holders, technical and manual workers have been removed from jobs on the pretext that the related jobs are no more available. But we have seen outsiders coming for those jobs". ’These security personals do not allow journalist to talk with us and do not allow them to make photographs" revealed Barkat Ali Bugti "They want us to die here and no one should knows about our fate. They threaten us to leave but we will not allow them to open these gates till they will agree to open those for us" "While living on Balochistan’s border town we see as outsider local Baloch live in abject poverty and they are not given the share of jobs. While frequently visiting the Balochistan towns of Sui and Dera Bugti we observe that all the Gas installation are predominantly controlled by non Baloch, and their attitude to the locals is really shocking" said Mr Liaqat Ali Banglani, an educationist and resident of Thull, Jacobabad September 10, 2005.  "As a result of unemployment, poverty, hunger and frustration local youth has resorted to violence and minor social crimes like motor bike and car snatching etc. So far they are under control of their eagle eyed chieftain, Nawab Akbar Bugti.  I fear if such a situation prevails any more, there will be a large scale rebellion and people will enter into and damage these tantalizing but useless installations for them". He further elaborated. "Baloch have been kept away from jobs in Hub Industrial Area" said Abdul Wahab Baloch, organizer Baloch Rights Council "Only lower jobs of peons and security guards in limited number have been given to local Baloch in more than 200 industrial units in Hub Industrial Area. About 29850 white and blue collar workers daily cross the borders from Karachi into Balochistan in 400 public private and contract carrier buses and personal cars to work in Hub, but Baloch can just peep into these industries and are practically banned for jobs" "Baloch never resisted development, instead we welcome any development in education, health, communication and infra structure" said Nawab Bugti in an interview with author on September 11, 2005 at Dera Bugti " I built roads, schools, colleges and hospitals and we will welcome if government or some private parties are ready to open a university in Dera Bugti. I have invited Mobile phone companies and wire less loop companies to come and install most effective communication network for the local people. But government do not bring these desperately required facilities, instead they want to build Helipads for helicopters to land and cantonments. I do not know any of Baloch owning helicopters for which they need helipads. Cantonments are supposed to be built on the borders to defend country from enemy.  Against whom they are establishing cantonments in Gawadar, Sui, Kohlu and other deep inside areas of Balochistan? Yes we resist helipads, military roads and cantonment". I see the claims of provincial and federal government regarding the so called development of Balochistan, especially that of Mekran". Said Dr Amir Bux Baloch, District manager in a USAID funded project." Ambulances in most of the hospitals are non-functional. You can imagine that only one ambulance in Turbat and Gawadar is available for the population of 1.5 million and for the territorial jurisdiction of 44000 squire kilometers, with out any infrastructure and means of communication". If you want to develop us ask us said Nawab Bugti "You can not always ram your ideas down out throats".  Regarding government’s claims of payments made to him "I receive only the rent of my personal lands and the charges of water being used from the springs in my personal lands. It is as simple as you rent out a house or lease the land. No additional funds as claimed and blamed by the federal government.  I proposed to farm a committee on three members Mr Ayaz Amir, Mr Irshad Ahmed Haqani and Mushahid Hussain to investigate the accusations of bargain money paid to me" responded Nawab Bugti "I deliberately proposed all three persons from Punjab, for the impartial investigation and public satisfaction. But government is yet to farm that committee and prove the accusations hurled in media against me about these so called funds" The tone of Baloch is becoming harsh day by day. "We believe in democratic process and peaceful agitation for our legitimate rights" said Dr Imdad Baloch chairman Baloch Student Organization sitting on hunger strike unto death since October 3rd at Karachi Press Club against the arrest of dozens of Baloch activists including Dr Allah Nazar, Akhtar Nadeem, Asghar Bungulzai etc by Para-military forces "We are kidnapped, brutally tortured, paralyzed, and killed by them. They behave like we are from enemy state. They blackout our activities and want to hush-up our voice for our share in our resources through the brute tactics." I am sitting here in Karachi supposed to be international city with dozens of Newspapers, magazines and TV channels. But the national media do not cover our peaceful agitation. Journalist come, sit with us and sympathize, but apologize for not covering us because they have "Press Advice" to blackout news about Balochistan.  It appears that they understand different language’ (giving vent to his paint up feelings) "If  I and my comrades die here and Baloch receive our dead bodies, what government expect, our people will be hurling flowers to them. No they will be hurling bombs". He appealed Pakistani people and international community to put pressure on establishment for the release of Baloch prisoners, "Otherwise Baloch should not be blamed for resorting to other options" Similar tone echoed in Pakistan Senate where Senator Sanaullah Baloch of BNP gort angry for mistreatment. Frontier post reported that "Journalists witnessed worst pandemonium over the implementation of National Finance Commission (NFC) Award. There was even a spat among BNP’s Sanaullah Baloch and the ruling party senator Kamil Ali Agha over formers harsh and offensive anti-Pakistani remarks, which created an unpleasant in the Senate house proceedings. The Chairman Senate had to intervene and strong anti-Pakistani remarks of Sanaullah Baloch were omitted from the proceedings.  Sana Baloch even went to the extreme as demanded for separate homeland for the Baloch. He claimed that if he will be continuously treated like a 2ndclass citizen, he will withdraw from the nationality".  The Urdu dailies reported that he warns "If I will be mistreated any more, I will withdraw from the nationality. The Pakistanis fear the day when all gas pipelines will be blown, Baloch will survives on the dates and sheep milk", he reportedly threatened the upper house. The JWP senator Amanullah Kunrani already submitted his resignation to his leader, which is pending decision. It will not be out of place to mention that since the protest on Independence day, Balochistan  has already witnessed the worst series of bomb blasts including pipeline Blasts near Kandhkot, Kulper, Dasht. Mustung and most recent on the night of October 3rd the ruling Muslim League office in Turbat was blown up.  Different persons have called different press clubs and accepted responsibility of such subversive activities. This shows the audacity or level of confidence developed in the militants. Daily Jung dated October 4 reported heavy firing exchange between Frontier Corp and with Bugtis in Dera Bugti. This proves apprehensions of Nawab Bugti and new escalation in the area.  The local government elections are concluded amidst blames of worst rigging and horse-trading and the use of public funds and machinery aimed at keeping nationalist parties away, who tried to be the part of mainstream political process. There are three major transformations in Balochistan political scenario: Frustration of Baloch from the parliamentary political process and increasing support for the radical and extremist parties. The participation of female activists, which is first time in history. Baloch ladies now organize huge demonstrations for the release of their loves ones. This situation has provoked many bye standers, to shun their neutral stand and join the nationalist ranks.  Baloch political parties reject accusations of government about the support of foreign element behind Balochistan crises on one hand and on the other; almost all parties are no more defensive in this regard. They desperately express that they will appreciate and welcome, any if offered by any one. Pakistani strategist need to understand these changing trends. No one knows what is in store for this country, but one thing is clear that if the present status quo prevails, the situation will further deteriorate and if the responsible quarters and stakeholders did not consider the gravity of the situation, we will be facing disaster.  We wish sanity prevails and those at the helm of affairs take pragmatic decision mutually beneficial for the province and country simultaneously. E-mail: nizamani68@yahoo.com   (Writer is Trainer and Researcher in Ethno political Conflict Management & Development Studies)

Debriefing on Asia Europe Peoples’ Forum 8, Brussels, Belgium

Debriefing on Asia Europe Peoples’ Forum 8, Brussels, Belgium

On the invitation of AEPF organizers, I participated in Asia Europe Peoples’ Forum in the first week of October at Brussels Belgium. This was an important event of about 300 prominent activists from all over Asia and Europe.

Briefly, AEPF is a network of progressive civil society and social movements across Asia and Europe.  It has actively advanced people’s voice within Asia-Europe relations especially in areas of peace and security, democracy and human rights, and social, economic rights. Formed as a parallel people’s network of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), AEPF has developed a unique function of fostering people’s solidarity across the two regions and continues to tamper the neo-liberal policies that ASEM is globalizing through multilateralism. Imminence of regional integration, political and economic re-grouping, and the imperative for the working together of Asian and European civil society led to the formation of AEPF on the eve of the first official Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) Summit in Bangkok in 1996.

At present, ASEM consists of 27 European Union Member States, the European Commission, the ASEAN Secretariat, ASEAN member states, China, Japan, Republic of Korea. India, Pakistan and Mongolia were the last countries that joined in 2007.

One major result of AEPF-7 in Beijing was the proposals for AEPF expansion in South Asia. The proposals emanated from the realization of South Asians that their participation at  AEPF 7 signals the need to determine and clarify the role of South Asia in AEPF in addressing inter-regional involvement, advocacy and cooperation. 

ASEM is getting new members next year, Russia, Australia and New Zeeland decided
in Brussels ASEM. The ASEM 13 in 2012 will be held in Laos, but the
AEPF has not decided where to organize AEPF 13 in 2012. AEPF organizers are skeptical about  Lao PDR as desirable place.

http://www.aepf.info/photo-gallery/aepf-8-day-1.html

One Day one I spoke in Climate Change Workshop with following speakers and organisors. Speakers:

§  Fabby Tumiwa (Institute for Essential Services Reform, Indonesia, Ms. Jutta Kill
(FERN, tbc)

§  Nizamuddin Nizamani(Pakistan) Climate Change and unnatural causes of Floods in Pakistan

§  Lidy Nacpil (Jubilee South-APMDD)

§  Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South)

Moderator: Dorothy Guerrero (Focus on the Global South)

On day two October 3, I spoke in the session Religious diversity, Secularism, Citizenship and Democracy organized by Centre Lebret-IRFED, Bandung Spirit Network and Pax Romana ICMICA

Speakers included me, Mr Antoine Sandong, Mr. Richard Werly, Sally Russet etc

http://www.aepf.info/photo-gallery/aepf-8-day-2/photo-impressions.html

I

§  I participated in Workshop Policy Dialogue on Peace and Security Organised by Kalle Sysikaski (AEPF, Finland) and presentations were made by Varsha barry, Achin Vanaik, Colin Archer and Jan Oberg

I  also participated in workshops Getting Rid of the Weapons of Mass      Destruction, Illeligitimate Debt and SDR Finance, Food Sovereignty etc. The organizers of the workshop specially Jubillee South came up with the idea doe demand to write of Pakistan Debt on October 14, 2010, which was  arranged all over the place. The aspact of the event were the BRUSSELS NIGHT.

§  The world in crises and alternative pathways Speakers:

§  Francois Houtart (Cetri), MP Walden Bello (Akbayan, Philippines), Achin Vanaik (Delhi University), Marica Frangakis (Attac Greece), It was moderated by Tran Dac Loi (VPDF) and Fiona Dove (TNI), Samir Amin (WFA), Boris Kagalitsky (TNI), Paedro Paez (Ecuador), Nicola Bullard etc.

In addition to Brussels Nights, important events included the Corporate Lobby Tour, organized by Corporate Europe (CEO) and guided its head Mr. Oliver, that included the four KM tour of the area around EU parliament that hosts hundreds of companies maneuvering EU policies favoring Multinational Corporations.

Public Action was also important event against the Trade Agreements that deprives the world community of cheaper medicines.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BCdokqPlYTU

On Day two The Belgian Prime Minister, Yves Leterme also joined AEPF participants and responded to the interventions from Asian as well European participants about EU polices. It was moderated by Andy Rutherford from One World Action

Meanwhile three different sessions with European Commissioners and EU MPs were organized in Residence Palace, an important place in government.

The last day was concluded at European Parliament with many EU and Asian MPs.

There ar many nice to know things about AEPF that can be communicated to those having interest in different topics. Most importantly Beyond Free Trade: Alternatives for EU-Asia relations.

After Conclusion of AEPF I visited Bruges in Belgium, the cultural center in Europe and World Heritage decalred by UN. A nice place to see. It was followed by three days in Paris, France. There are many experiences worth sharing. 

Nizamuddin Nizamani

Karachi streets, colorful flags and Expression of love for Sindhi cultural heritage

Karachi roads, particularly shahrah-e-Faisal gave different look today. Dozens of groups clad in sindhi Ajrak, topi, women in ghaghas, arrived dancing on sindhi music around at Press Club Karachi. People were venting out their paint up feeling. They were impressively blowing their physical energy in different dancing styles with drumbeats. It was positively mind-boggling. I too participated and commented on TV Chanel. Two day celebrations seems important tools for Sindh for productively Channeling prolonged frustration. Other people aught to understand Sindhi mind and love for cultural heritage

Brief but Impressive Wedding

It was Imran Balochs' wedding ceremony today at Civil Aviation Club,adjacent to Karachi airport. Neither Valima lunch nor a late night diner was planned.  Amids impressive large gathering of community notables, people gathered at 4.30 and Nikah was declared at 5.00 pm.
People were quickly served with cold drinks and sweet packets. Surpassingly the gathering finished after Dua in fifteen minutes at 5.15 pm and every one left happily and peacefully.
One wonders why we can not adopt and convene such a simple but impressive wedding ceremonies so that guests should not suffer in waiting overcrowded diners followed by risky late night driving in Karachi which reported to one of the crime ridden cities in the world.

VIEW: Sindhi cultural unity days —Nizamuddin Nizamani

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\12\04\story_4-12-2010_pg3_5

Sindh volunteered to be the part of Pakistan and the Sindh Assembly took the first initiative to pass a resolution in favour of Pakistan. The incoming ruling elite of newly established Pakistan behaved contrary to the commitments and instead deprived the province of the privileges enjoyed even before independence

Sindh is celebrating culture days on December 4 and 5, 2010 to revitalise and revamp the Sindhi cultural symbols and way of life presumed to be under threat from the so-called external encroachment and the risk of extinction.

According to anthropologists, culture refers to the cumulative deposit of knowledge, experience, beliefs, values, attitudes, meanings, hierarchies, religion, notions of time, roles, spatial relations, concepts of the universe, and material objects and possessions acquired by a group of people in the course of generations through individual and group striving.

Sindh and the Sindhi language have a rich cultural heritage and have acquired many symbols from other cultures, eastern and western simultaneously, without compromising their basic formation. Historically, the Sindhi language was among the few recognised official languages in undivided India under British rule. The Sindhi vernacular has rich expressional potential catering to all aspects of socio-economic and administration systems, has written and oral capacity, symbols and phonics about all tangible and intangible things, emotions, feelings, norms, has a versatile and comprehensive vocabulary with many words for the same items in varying degrees and having multiple meanings for the same words.

The content and quality of the dialect, according to Tariq Rehman, impressed the British government. The Bombay government adopted Sindhi as the official language at the local level and in September 1851 made it mandatory for British officials to pass a Sindhi language exam as a prerequisite to qualify for a job in the administrative system of Sindh. The administration also took supportive steps to modify, simplify and enhance the Sindhi language by redesigning Sindhi letters into Arabic letters and increased the number of alphabets to 52 to cover all the sounds.

Tariq Rehman also provides that Sindhi remained a major language of basic schooling in the province. Sindhi intellectuals, researchers and critics argue that though Sindh volunteered to be a part of Pakistan and the Sindh Assembly took the first initiative to pass a resolution in favour of Pakistan, the incoming ruling elite of newly established Pakistan behaved contrary to the commitments and instead deprived the province of the privileges enjoyed even before independence.

In such a backdrop since partition, Sindhi culture has been on the defensive. Sindhi nationalists observe that since independence the state has been imposing Mughal and Arabic culture in the name of a single Pakistani identity at the cost of other cultures.

Sindh has flexible geographical boundaries with southern Punjab and Balochistan and due to friendly relations, these boundaries changed back and forth and people have been migrating to one another’s regions throughout the region’s history.

Therefore, the present Sindhi culture and ethnicity is basically a manifestation of the indigenous Sindhi, Dravidian Sindhi, and partially localised Balochi and Seraiki cultural symbols spread over many parts of Balochistan, i.e. Lasbela, Sibi, Dera Allahyar and in Punjab up to RahimYar Khan, Sadiqabad and even some portions of Multan. The dress, poetry, music, cultural activities, customs, etc, are shared among people across these borders.

Historical accounts validate the apprehensions of Sindhi nationalists and the state never encouraged or cared for indigenous culture and instead those upholding their originals norms and values were accused of being ethnically biased and narrow minded. Sindh demanded a due share in time on state radio and television in the past but was never heard. The same was the case in allocation of resources for language, literature, cultural institutions, etc.

As a reaction, many literary and socio-cultural-cum-politico-philanthropist organisations like Sindhi Adabi Sangat, Sindh Graduate Association, etc, came into existence and they, with tacit support from political parties, agitated and achieved incremental gains like publication of voter lists in Sindhi, etc.

Starting from a reactive mode, the Sindhi intelligentsia became proactive and designed their own strategy to preserve their language and culture. Sindhi print and electronic media has been one of the outstanding success stories in any local language with indigenous resources and is only second to Urdu and English media that have full state support.


 At the moment, eight Sindhi television channels, more than one dozen Sindhi newspapers, dozens of magazines, and a similar number of FM radio channels broadcast current news, and play an important role in opinion making. They enjoy such a political clout that former president General Pervez Musharraf ultimately chose a Sindhi channel to debate the Kalabagh Dam issue, although without success, as he could not stand the logic and arguments tabled by eloquent Sindhi water experts and engineers.

Why Sindh is desperate to express itself and celebrate Sindhi cultural unity days? It seems the expression of anger against negligence towards Sindhi cultural items, lack of Sindhi medium schools for the Sindhi middle class in urban areas and cities, organic change in dress and many colourful turbans linked with different religious sects, etc.

Sindh feels its indigenous sports like Malh, Kabadi, Wanjhi, Sindhi cultural dances, festivals, etc, are literally ignored for imported elite games like golf, cricket, squash, etc. They observe that most of the indigenous norms, family and social values, etc, are depleting very fast. They take it as a conspiracy of the anti-Sindhi school of though as well as a manifestation of globalisation.

In the past, nationalist political parties were vanguards in campaigns for preservation of Sindhi heritage. However, interestingly, this mantle has now been transferred to the educated, well placed and affluent middle class settled in big cities not only in Pakistan but also all over the world. The Sindhi diaspora has been an important source for this reawakening. 


Now the centre of socio-cultural activities has shifted from political parties, universities and student organisations to media houses and non-government organisation networks. 

Had the state and federal government been responsible, farsighted and caring enough, this kind of cultural mobilisation would not have been required. 


Those at the helm of affairs need to take such campaigns as a warning and should modify their policies, lest the cultural campaigns should take new directions considering the level of deprivation in the country.

The writer holds a master’s degree in social sciences and is a professional trainer, researcher and peace activist. He may be contacted at nizambaloch@gmail.com

Sindh Cultural Unity Day on December 4 & 5, 2010

Sindh is celebrating cultural days on December 4 and 5, 2010, to revitalize and revamp the Sindhi cultural symbols and way of life presumed to be under threat from so-called external encroachment and the risk of extinction.
Sindh and Sindhi language has rich cultural heritage and have acquired many symbols from other cultures, eastern and western simultaneously, without compromising its basic formation.
Starting from a reactive mode the Sindhi intelligentsia became proactive and designed their own strategy to preserve their language and culture. Sindhi print and electronic media has been one of the outstanding success stories in any local language with indigenous resources and is only second to Urdu and English media that has full state support. 

Violence in Iran

Violance in Balochistan-Iran
By Nizamuddin Nizamani
02-03-2007
http://www.thepost.com.pk/



The February 14 bombing of an Iranian Revolutionary Guards' bus in Zahidan, causing 18 killed and scores of injuries, and the February 28 ambush on Iranian forces near Pishin town that killed four and led to the kidnapping of two police officials, seems a new kind of violent trend that took many analysts by surprise. Iran, already in the limelight for nuclear-related tensions with the West, has been widely covered by the media for this internal violence for the first time in decades.

This may be a development out of the blue for some readers, but those keeping an eye on the local and regional conflicts across borders knew that the tempo for such extreme violence was building since years due to the alleged suppressive policies of the Iranian government against religious and ethnic minorities. A Baloch ethnic group, Iranian Resistance Movement, previously called Jondullah, accepted responsibility for these attacks in revenge for the recent wave of public hangings of Baloch youth in Sistan-Balochistan, which were the order of the day. In some cases this wave averaged dozens of youngsters per month on subversive and criminal charges.

Previously being a closed society, the Iranian authorities managed to suppress the flow of such information from reaching the world. The Iranian official version blamed the bombing and attacks on gangs of smugglers and criminals. This may be true, but the gangs of smugglers allegedly started operating across the borders apparently with the tacit approval of the authorities to export Iranian value added goods and commodities, specially petroleum products, to earn hard cash, during the decades-long economic embargo.

In this case however, it was not a simple group of smugglers but an organized political group of young militants headed by Abdul Malik Regi, in his mid-twenties, who inflicted terror on the authorities since a few years through organized ambushes as well as kidnapping of officials, among them a journalist. The journalist was, according to the group's spokesperson, killed mistakenly and they regretted that killing through their website.

Militancy in Sistan-Balochistan seems not to be proactive but reactive in nature and operating mostly independently. It appears to be the result of local issues and grievances against the local authorities, but lacks a coordinated network. After the ouster of the Shah, the ethnic minorities, including the Baloch, welcomed the new revolutionary group headed by Imam Ayatullah Khomeni. Some of them joined the mainstream political process but that euphoria was over within a few years as the revolutionary guards started targeting ethnic groups on the charge of being communists. The ethnic minorities again reorganized underground militant groups.

Credible sources say that more than 90 such organized militant groups are active in Sistan-Balochistan, small and large, with an average size of 30-50 and with the largest with around 80 members.

The groups' cohesion and bonding factor seems both sectarian and ethnic combined. The Baloch being different from Persians ethnically on the one hand, and a Sunni minority under Shiite majority rule, feel frustrated due to alleged unfair treatment. Though the infrastructure is far better in Sistan-Balochistan as compared to Pakistani Balochistan, the Baloch in Pakistan are reported to be far better off in terms of their socio-cultural empowerment than their counterparts in Iran, who were not treated at par with the majority community.

According to Mr. Nassir Buledi, spokesperson for the Balochistan People's Party (BPP) Iran, the Persians make up 40 percent of the total Iranian population and the remaining 60 percent are Baloch, Kurds, Arabs, Turks, Azeris, etc. In case a fair democratic federal republic is established, the minorities making up 60 percent of the population will outnumber the Persians, and hence will be able to establish ethno-sectarian minority-friendly policies.

It will not be out of place to mention that BPP Iran and other ethnic political parties are striving for a federal democratic Iran through peaceful means. But they never disowned the militant groups, who influence and indirectly dictate any negotiated deal due to their leverage and political clout on the ground.

The recent Zahidan bombing and ambushes may not be welcomed by the diplomatic quarters and intelligence community as violent methods are tantamount to causing havoc in civil society in addition to what it does to the designed targets. Given the lack of political awareness, combined with the perpetual consternation caused by the highhanded methods of the Revolutionary Guards, such actions cannot be ruled out in future as has been clear from the warnings issued by the Iranian Resistance Movement (Jondullah).

The world community needs to see this group not as a fanatic religious group but a minority nationalist group in Iran, where sectarian identity symbolizes ethnic identity. Specially when speaking of the Baloch, they are anything but religious fanatics.

In the past, Jondullah's predecessors like Dad Shah Mubarki in the forties and fifties organized similar militant groups and inflicted heavy casualties on the Shah's regime. But ill-informed and ill-equipped technically as they were, on March 24, 1957 they inadvertently killed an American military aid official Kevin and his wife Anita Carroll, traveling in an Iranian military jeep, and had to pay through their nose. At that time the Iranian intelligence agency SAVAK managed to misguide the US authorities and after a prolonged manhunt, Dad Shah was killed after eight months.

It was reportedly Dad Shah's brother Ahmed Shah's family's deportation from Pakistan to Iran that triggered the formation of nationalist groups in Balochistan, specially Makuran, and resulted in more coordinated across the border cooperation among Baloch nationalist parties in Iran and Pakistan.

The Iranian regime convinced the US and Pakistan about the future dangers based on that cooperation. That resulted in combined military action against the Baloch in the early seventies and we still face the effects of that heritage. After the Zahidan blast, the Pakistani ambassador in Iran was called for exchange of information. The Iranian authorities are building thick walls at selected points on the border and have warned the Pakistani Baloch on the border to leave the area. The violence, including rocket attacks, were reported continuing in the disturbed area till the writing of these lines.

Iranian diplomats are reported to be artful and highly skilled in maneuvering situations. The erstwhile SAVAK infiltration was reportedly deep rooted and believed to have affected even researchers like Selig Harrison who were made to believe many unfounded stories, including the killing of some influential and active Baloch players, who lived for decades after compilation of his book, In Afghanistan's Shadow. The information inaccuracy may be an outcome of the level of distrust for US policy makers among leftist groups and they might have avoided them out of fear that sharing of information may be lethal for them and US intelligence may hunt them down, being communist activists.

No wonder after the recent violence, the top priority of the Iranian state will be to establish the Iranian Resistance Movement/Jondullah and other organizations as radical fanatic terrorist groups. Iran will try to convince the world community to declare them terrorist groups, followed by eradicating them through expeditious military action in Sistan-Balochistan, which is already in progress.

However, the regional and international situation has U-turns and all need to realize that any future military action in that area will cause another humanitarian catastrophe in the shape of influx of war refugees into Pakistani areas, which are already volatile. Therefore, disturbance in that area may trigger a regional tension, which Pakistan and the allied forces in Afghanistan can ill afford.

All the stakeholders, including Iran and Pakistan, need to find some via media for stability in the region through non-traditional methods of conflict resolution, as traditional methods are costly in term of collateral and human cost and apparently proved futile so far.

The writer is a social researcher in Sustainable Development and Conflict Management Studies